Franco-German Duo Infernale

The old rivalry between Germany and France has long kept Europe from being able to move forward together as a region. Unfortunately, these two nations are now coming into line, but at the expense of the European Union and smaller states. Both countries are demanding power over EU institutions and the draft constitution, says this article in Germany's F.A.Z. Weekly, while at the same time refusing to meet EU standards on budgetary constraints. The big powers must learn to respect the small powers if the EU vision is to come into being and be able to adequately compete with its rival across the Atlantic, the US. – YaleGlobal

Franco-German Duo Infernale

Gerald Braunberger
Friday, December 5, 2003

Europe will not progress if Germany and France do not join forces. This is an old piece of wisdom, but we now have evidence that Europe not only fails to progress, but actually goes backward when Germany and France are (too much) in agreement. The willful dismantling of the euro zone's stability and growth pact is only one link in a long chain of arbitrary acts of the two nations vis-à-vis the European Commission and the smaller member states of the European Union.

The self-glorifying way in which French President Jacques Chirac and German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder have decided on the future of the EU's Common Agricultural Policy, and the arrogant demand, even before the governmental conference, that the smaller partners do not mess with the European convention's draft for an EU constitution are two other examples of the duo's lack of sensitivity.

The self-professed world power France has traditionally shown little respect toward smaller partner countries, but has insisted on the major countries' privilege to determine the future of Europe. It is a centuries-old French tradition. Germany, in turn, has been wise enough in recent decades to drop this strategy and foster partnerships with the smaller EU countries. This era, however, seems to be over. The occasional penchant toward Teutonic megalomania probably arises out of the chancellor's fateful conviction that his defiant rhetoric - which may please his Social Democratic Party - is the right tone in international politics.

One may rightly suspect, therefore, that, by damaging the stability pact, Paris and Berlin were hoping to show the Commission in Brussels who the real boss is. Schröder's statement that the Commission is not sacrosanct shows that the chancellor is on the wrong battlefield. Of course, the Commission is not sacrosanct - but the pact should have been. The ease with which international agreements were suspended, accompanied by derisive comments (from people who otherwise complain bitterly about American unilateralism) is disturbing and does not bode well for the future.

At the latest since the festivities surrounding the 40th anniversary of the Elysee Treaty of friendship between Germany and France, there has been much talk of fresh momentum in the mutual relationship between Paris and Berlin. But whether Germany and France really have a convincing common vision for Europe - beyond their symbolic holding of hands - remains questionable. What is certain, however, is that the political leaders in both countries are about to lose touch with reality in European politics.

Who is responsible for the fact that Europe - a rich continent, not only in material terms - is now among the laggards in the global economy? Europe is being celebrated - in Paris more than in Berlin - as the great rival of the little loved United States. But at the same time governing politicians in Germany and France are praying that the U.S. economy will tow their own economies out of the muck because devastating economic and fiscal policies have caused serious damage to both countries' economies. Precisely this economic and fiscal policy, which has caused so much damage in both countries, is now being used to justify dumping the stability pact. That's what a political declaration of bankruptcy looks like.

Desire and reality are also a world apart when Paris and Berlin talk about European defense. Of course, there is a need for a reform of military procurement, a reorganization of parts of the military industry and a modernization of the armed forces. But the vision of such a Europe, which has emancipated itself from Washington, seems to be a far cry from reality over the long term: Nearly half of the French weapons arsenal is decrepit, and things look hardly any better in Germany.

Credible international policy starts at home. As the major brakes on a European economic recovery, Germany and France owe their partners a change of policy. In Germany, at least, a lively debate has started over the modernization of labor markets, tax systems and social welfare models. France's political elite, in turn, headed by an increasingly detached state president, remains locked in tradition, although a majority of the population has apparently realized that change is needed. Before Paris and Berlin continue to play the duo infernale in Europe, they had better get their own house in order.

This is important and necessary, not least because the two countries are bound to continue to play a leading role within Europe in the foreseeable future. Their political leaders should realize what sort of damage flawed policies and insolent appearances can inflict on Europe. Europe is far too important to fall prey to a lack of principles.

: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung 2000. GmbH Publishing Group, Germany. All rights reserved.