Tibetan Olympiad

More than two decades ago, when China was beginning to open up to the world, its architect Deng Xiaoping acknowledged the risks involved in the move. But all things considered, he said, it was better to “Open the windows, breathe the fresh air and at the same time fight the flies and insects.” China’s opening to the world was accompanied by a campaign against “spiritual pollution”, which included notions of democracy and press freedom, as well as pornography and drugs. China has faithfully followed his advice and emerged as a poster child of globalisation. But recent concerns about protests and repression in Tibet have cast a shadow over the 2008 Summer Olympic games and come as a rude reminder of the risks of China’s participation in a globalised world.

The first truly globalised challenge to China’s authoritarian leaders came in the form of pro-democracy demonstrations in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in 1989. Concerned about its international image in cracking down on protests while Soviet president Mikhail Gorbachev was making his historic visit, China decided not to react. Ultimately, however, the country’s leaders took a decision to allow their global image to take a backseat to regime survival. Broadcast live from the square, the Tiananmen upheaval became the iconic moment of China in a globalised world.

That shock did not, however, weaken China’s embrace of globalisation. China’s rapid rise as an economic superpower since 1989 has justified Deng’s open door policy. Hundreds of billions of dollars of foreign investment have flowed into China (some $75 billion in 2007 alone) creating more than half a million new enterprises and turning the country into the world’s workshop. Its foreign trade rose to $2.17 trillion last year from a mere $21 billion in 1978 (in real terms). More than 5,000 Chinese companies have invested in enterprises in 172 countries around the world. As the world’s second largest economy, China has sought to burnish its status as a global power by hosting a glittering Olympics. Billions of dollars worth of contracts have been signed with sponsors and television networks to broadcast China’s success story around the world.

However, the global connections that have enabled China to claim its day in the sun also expose the country to the risk of a huge embarrassment. China’s critics are keen to seize upon this moment of vulnerability to shine an uncomfortable spotlight on Beijing’s image-obsessed leaders. Darfur activists have been pressuring China to end its support for the regime in Sudan by dubbing the summer games as the “genocide Olympics”. The anti-Chinese rioting in Tibet and other Tibetan-inhabited regions that erupted in early March also brought unflattering world attention to the country. Unlike in 1989, when foreign television networks dependent on China’s broadcasting service were the sole means of distributing news video clips, today’s world of mobile phone cameras, YouTube and internet blogs threatens to multiply Beijing’s embarrassment.

Within hours of the reports of violent Tibetan protests and the People’s Liberation Army’s hesitant response, Tibetan and other demo-nstrators took to the streets, from New Delhi to New York. Even some Chinese intellectuals have circulated an open letter to the Communist Party on the internet, urging them to behave in a civilised manner and hold dialogue with the Dalai Lama. Foreign leaders have so far rejected calls to boycott the games but have diplomatically urged China to exercise restraint. The Tibetan challenge, if mishandled could have serious domestic and external consequences. Gentle treatment could not only encourage more Tibetan protests, but also spur other disgruntled minorities.

But if violent rioting continues and the regime’s use of force unfolds under the glare of the international media, China’s crowning moment will be overshadowed. Even absent a boycott, the failure to bring the turmoil under control soon could result in reduced foreign attendance, and tourism could also suffer. Fully aware of the high stakes, Beijing has shown restraint in dealing with the protests. While blaming some in the West for supporting anti-Chinese rioters, Beijing has highlighted supportive statements from foreign governments and overseas Chinese associations and censored foreign broadcasts.

As the Olympics approaches, China’s windows will be wide open, but so will be the spotlight on its attempt to swat “flies and insects.”